|Ulster Defence Association (UDA)
|Participant in the Troubles
Above: UDA emblem
Below: UDA flag
||September 1971–present (on ceasefire since October 1994; ended armed campaign in November 2007)
Ulster nationalism (briefly)
||Charles Harding Smith (1971–1973)
Jim Anderson de facto (April–December 1972); joint chairman (December 1972 to spring 1973)
Andy Tyrie (1973–1988)
Commander of the UFF
John McMichael (until 1987)
Jackie McDonald, Johnny Adair, Jim Gray, Andre Shoukri, James Simpson, South East Antrim Commander John Gregg, Billy McFarland, Matt Kincaid
|Area of operations
||Northern Ireland (mostly)
Republic of Ireland
||40,000 at its peak (1972),
under 1,000 at the end of its armed campaign
||Loyalist Volunteer Force,
Red Hand Defenders (until 2002)
||Irish Republican Army
The Ulster Defence Association emerged from a series of meetings during the middle of 1971 of loyalist
” groups called “defence associations”.
The largest of these were the Shankill
and Woodvale Defence Associations
with other groups based in East Belfast, the Hammer and Roden Street.
The first meeting was chaired by Billy Hull
, with Alan Moon as its vice-chair. Moon was quickly replaced by Jim Anderson
and had left the organisation by the time of its formal launch in September.
By this point, Charles Harding Smith
had become the group’s leader, with former British soldier Davy Fogel
as his second-in-command, who trained the new recruits in military tactics, the use of guns, and unarmed combat. Its most prominent early spokesperson was Tommy Herron
however, Andy Tyrie
would emerge as leader soon after.
Its original motto was Cedenta Arma Togae
(“Law before violence”) and it was a legal organisation until it was banned by the British Government on 10 August 1992.
The UDA were often referred to as “Wombles” by their rivals, mainly the Ulster Volunteer Force
(UVF). The name is derived from the furry fictional creatures The Wombles
, and was given to the UDA because many of its members wore fur-trimmed parkas
Its headquarters is in Gawn Street, off the Newtownards Road
in east Belfast,
and its current motto is Quis Separabit
, which is Latin
for “Who will separate [us]?”
The UDA had several women’s units, which acted independent of each other.
Although they occasionally helped man roadblocks, the women’s units were typically involved in local community work and responsible for the assembly and delivery of food parcels to UDA prisoners. This was a source of pride for the UDA.
The first women’s unit was founded on the Shankill Road
by Wendy “Bucket” Millar
, whose sons Herbie and James “Sham” Millar would later become prominent UDA members.
The UDA women’s department was headed by Jean Moore, who also came from the Shankill Road. She had also served as the president of the women’s auxiliary of the Loyalist Association of Workers
. Her brother Ingram “Jock” Beckett, one of the UDA’s founding members, had been killed in March 1972 by a rival UDA faction in an internal dispute.
Moore was succeeded by Hester Dunn
of east Belfast, who also ran the public relations and administration section at the UDA headquarters.
Wendy Millar’s Shankill Road group was a particularly active women’s unit, and another was based in Sandy Row
, south Belfast, a traditional UDA stronghold. The latter was commanded by Elizabeth “Lily” Douglas.
Her teenaged daughter, Elizabeth was one of the members.
The Sandy Row women’s UDA unit was disbanded after it carried out a vicious “romper room” punishment beating on 24 July 1974 which left 32-year-old Ann Ogilby
dead. The body of Ogilby, a Protestant single mother who had an affair with the husband of one of the unit’s members, was found in a ditch five days later.
The day of the fatal beating Ogilby was abducted and forced upstairs to the first floor of a disused bakery in Sandy Row that had been converted into a UDA club. Two teenage girls, Henrietta Cowan and Christine Smith,
acting under Elizabeth Douglas’ orders to give Ogilby a “good rompering”,
punched, kicked, then battered her to death with bricks and sticks; the autopsy later revealed that Ogilby had suffered 24 blows to the head and body. The killing, which was carried out within earshot of Ogilby’s six-year-old daughter, caused widespread revulsion throughout Northern Ireland and was condemned by the UDA prisoners serving inside the Maze Prison
. None of the other UDA women’s units had consented to or been aware of the fatal punishment beating until it was reported in the news.
Douglas, Cowan, and Smith were convicted of the murder and sentenced to imprisonment at Armagh Women’s Jail
. Seven other members of the women’s unit and a UDA man were also convicted for their part in the murder.
The UDA “romper rooms”, named after the children’s television programme
, were places where victims were beaten and tortured prior to being killed. This was known as a “rompering”. The “romper rooms” were normally located in disused buildings, lock-up garages, warehouses, and rooms above pubs and drinking clubs.
The use of the “romper rooms” was a more common practise among male members of the UDA than their female counterparts.
Throughout the majority of its period of legality, the UDA’s attacks were carried out under the name “Ulster Freedom Fighters” (UFF). The UDA’s campaign of violence began in 1972. In May of that year, the UDA’s pressured leader Tommy Herron decided that responsibility for acts of violence committed by the UDA would be claimed by the “UFF”. Its first public statements came one month later.
The UDA’s official position during the Troubles was that if the Provisional Irish Republican Army
(Provisional IRA) called off its campaign of violence, then it would do the same. However, if the British government announced that it was withdrawing from Northern Ireland, then the UDA would act as “the IRA in reverse.”
Active throughout the Troubles, its armed campaign gained prominence in the early 1990s through Johnny Adair
‘s ruthless leadership of the Lower Shankill
2nd Battalion, C. Company, which resulted in a greater degree of tactical independence for individual brigades.
C. Company’s hit squad, led by Stephen McKeag
, became notorious for a campaign of random murders of Catholic civilians in the first half of the 1990s.
They benefited, along with the Ulster Volunteer Force, and a group called Ulster Resistance
(set up by the Democratic Unionist Party
), from a shipment of arms imported from Lebanon
The weapons landed included rocket launchers, 200 rifles, 90 pistols and over 400 grenades.
Although almost two–thirds of these weapons were later recovered by the Royal Ulster Constabulary
(RUC), they enabled the UDA to launch an assassination campaign against their perceived enemies.
North Belfast UDA brigadier Davy Payne
was arrested after his “scout” car had been stopped at a RUC checkpoint and large caches of the weaponry were discovered in the boots of his associates’ cars. He was sentenced to 19 years in prison.
In 1992 Brian Nelson
, a prominent UDA member convicted of sectarian killings, revealed that he was also a British Army
agent. This led to allegations that the British Army and RUC were helping the UDA to target Irish republican activists. UDA members have since confirmed that they received intelligence files on republicans from British Army and RUC intelligence sources.
One of the most high-profile UDA attacks came in October 1993, when three masked men attacked a restaurant called the Rising Sun in the predominantly Catholic village of Greysteel
, County Londonderry
, where two hundred people were celebrating Halloween. The two men entered and opened fire. Eight people, including six Catholics and two Protestants were killed and nineteen wounded in what became known as the Greysteel massacre
. The “UFF” claimed the attack was in retaliation to the IRA’s Shankill Road bombing
, which killed nine people seven days earlier.
According to the Sutton database of deaths at the University of Ulster
‘s CAIN project
the UDA was responsible for 259 killings during the Troubles. 208 of its victims were civilians (predominantly Catholics), 12 were civilian political activists (mainly members of Sinn Féin
), 37 were other loyalist paramilitaries (including 30 of its own members), three were members of the security forces and 11 were republican paramilitaries. A number of these attacks were carried out with the assistance or complicity of the British Army, the RUC, or both, according to the Stevens Enquiry
, although the exact number of people killed as a result of collusion has not been revealed. The preferred modus operandi of the UDA was individual killings of civilian targets in nationalist areas, rather than large-scale bomb or mortar attacks.
The UDA employed various codewords whenever they claimed their attacks. These included: “The Crucible”, “Titanic”, “Ulster Troubles” and “Captain Black”.
Since the ceasefire, the UDA has been accused of taking vigilante
action against alleged drug dealers, including tarring and feathering
a man on the Taughmonagh estate in south Belfast.
It has also been involved in several feuds
with the UVF, which led to many killings. The UDA has also been riddled by its own internecine warfare, with self-styled “brigadiers” and former figures of power and influence, such as Johnny Adair
and Jim Gray
(themselves bitter rivals), falling rapidly in and out of favour with the rest of the leadership. Gray and John Gregg
are amongst those to have been killed during the internal strife. On 22 February 2003, the UDA announced a “12-month period of military inactivity”.
It said it would review its ceasefire every three months. The UPRG’s Frankie Gallagher
has since taken a leading role in ending the association between the UDA and drug dealing.
Following an August 2005 Sunday World
article that poked fun at the gambling losses of one of its leaders, the UDA banned the sale of the newspaper from shops in areas it controls. Shops that defy the ban have suffered arson attacks, and at least one newsagent was threatened with death.
The Police Service of Northern Ireland
began accompanying the paper’s delivery vans.
The UDA was also considered to have played an instrumental role in loyalist riots in Belfast in September 2005.
On 13 November 2005 the UDA announced that it would “consider its future”, in the wake of the standing down of the Provisional IRA and Loyalist Volunteer Force
In February 2006, the Independent Monitoring Commission
(IMC) reported UDA involvement in organised crime, drug trafficking, counterfeiting, extortion, money laundering and robbery.
On 20 June 2006, the UDA expelled Andre Shoukri and his brother Ihab
, two of its senior members who were heavily involved in organised crime
. Some saw this as a sign that the UDA was slowly coming away from crime.
The move did see the southeast Antrim
brigade of the UDA, which had been at loggerheads with the leadership for some time, support Shoukri and break away under former UPRG spokesman Tommy Kirkham
Other senior members met with Taoiseach Bertie Ahern
for talks on 13 July in the same year.
On 11 November 2007 the UDA announced that the Ulster Freedom Fighters would be stood down from midnight of the same day,
with its weapons “being put beyond use” although it stressed that these would not be decommissioned.
Although the group expressed a willingness to move from criminal activity to “community development,” the IMC said it saw little evidence of this move because of the views of its members and the lack of coherence in the group’s leadership as a result of its decentralised structure. While the report indicated the leadership intends to move towards its stated goals, factionalism hindered this change and was the strongest hindrance to progress. Although most loyalist actions were curtailed since the IMC’s previous report, most of loyalist paramilitary activity was coming from the UDA.
The IMC report concluded that the leadership’s willingness to change has resulted in community tension and the group would continue to be monitored, although “the mainstream UDA still has some way to go.” Furthermore, the IMC warned the group to “recognise that the organisation’s time as a paramilitary group has passed and that decommissioning is inevitable.” Decommissioning was said to be the “biggest outstanding issue for loyalist leaders, although not the only one.”
Chastelain stated that the decommissioning included arms, ammunition, explosives and explosive devices and the UDA stated that the arms “constitute the totality of those under their control”.
Following the decommissioning the Ulster Political Research Group
, the UDA’s political representatives, stated that the “Ulster Defence Association was formed to defend our communities; we state quite clearly and categorically that this responsibility now rests with the Government and its institutions where legitimacy resides”.
UDA representative Frankie Gallagher also stated that the group now regretted being responsible for the killing of more than 400 people.
, the British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland
, stated that this “is a major act of leadership by the UDA and further comprehensive evidence of the success of politics over violence in Northern Ireland” and the act was also welcomed by Sinn Féin and DUP politicians.
The President of the Republic of Ireland, Mary McAleese
, described the decommissioning as “a very positive milestone on the journey of peace”.
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton
also welcomed the move as a step towards lasting peace in Northern Ireland.
The breakaway faction continues to use the “UDA” title in its name, although it too expressed willingness to move towards “community development.” Although serious crime is not prevalent among its members, some who were arrested for drug peddling and extortion were exiled by the Brigade. A clear distinction between the factions was not available in the 20th IMC report, as this was the first report to differentiate between the two.
In 1987, the UDA’s deputy commander John McMichael (who was then the leader of the UFF) promoted a document entitled Common Sense
, which promoted a consensual end to the conflict in Northern Ireland, while maintaining the Union. The document advocated a power-sharing assembly involving both nationalists and unionists, an agreed constitution and new Bill of Rights. It is not clear, however, whether this programme was adopted by the UDA as their official policy.
However, the killing of McMichael that same year and the subsequent removal of Tyrie from the leadership and his replacement with an Inner Council saw the UDA concentrate on stockpiling weapons rather than political ideas.
In early January 1994, the UDA released a document calling for ethnic cleansing
, with the goal of making Northern Ireland wholly Protestant.
The plan was to be implemented should the British Army withdraw from Northern Ireland. Areas in the south and west with strong Catholic/nationalist majorities would be handed over to the Republic, and those Catholics left stranded in the “Protestant state” would be “expelled, nullified, or interned”.
The story was printed in The Sunday Independent
newspaper on 16 January.
The “doomsday plan” was based on the work of Dr Liam Kennedy
, a lecturer at Queen’s University Belfast
who in 1986 had published a book called Two Ulsters: A Case for Repartition
although it did not call for ethnic cleansing. The UDP’s Raymond Smallwoods said “I wasn’t consulted but the scenario set out is a perfectly plausible one”.
The DUP’s Sammy Wilson
stated that the plan “shows that some loyalist paramilitaries are looking ahead and contemplating what needs to be done to maintain our separate Ulster identity”
Links with other groups
In his book Black Sun
, Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke
claimed that the UDA had links with Neo-Nazi
groups in Britain—specifically Combat 18
(formed in 1991) and the British National Socialist Movement
(formed in 1985). He claims that members of these groups helped to smuggle weapons for the UDA. Ian S Wood
‘s book Crimes of Loyalty: A History of the UDA
claims that the UDA has received backing from Combat 18, the British National Front
and the British National Party
In 2006, the BBC also reported that the group has links with Combat 18.
It is unknown whether these links still exist. The links may not have been politically motivated, but for mutually beneficial arms deals. On one occasion the UDA sent Louis Scott, one of a few black members of the UDA, to make the transaction. Johnny Adair
, who had been in Combat 18 before the UDA, established stronger links once he became a brigadier.
The Red Hand Defenders
is a cover name used by breakaway factions of the UDA and the LVF.
The term was coined in 1997 when members of the LVF carried out attacks on behalf of Johnny Adair’s “UFF 2nd Battalion, ‘C’ Company (Shankill Road)” and vice versa.
The relationship between the UDA (specifically Adair’s West Belfast Brigade, not the wider leadership of the UDA) was initially formed after the death of Billy Wright
, the previous leader of the LVF, and grew from Adair’s personal friendship with Mark ‘Swinger’ Fulton
, the organisation’s new chief.
The necessity for a cover name resulted from the need to avoid tensions between the UDA and the UVF, the organisation from which the LVF had broken away. It was perceived that any open co-operation between the UDA and the LVF would anger the UVF, something which proved to be the case in following years and resulted in a loyalist feud
There has been debate as to whether or not the Red Hand Defenders have become an entity in their own right
made up of dissident factions from both the UDA and the LVF (both of which have now declared ceasefires whilst the RHD has not), although much intelligence has been based on the claims of responsibility which, as has been suggested,
are frequently misleading.
A 1985 MI5
assessment reported that 85% of the UDA’s “targeting material” came from the security forces.
Structure and leadership
The UDA is made up of:
- the Inner Council
- the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF)—whose role was to carry out attacks on republican and nationalist targets. However, many regard the UFF as merely a covername used when the UDA wished to claim responsibility for attacks.
- the Ulster Defence Force (UDF)—whose role was to give “specialist military training” to a select group of UDA members. The UDF was initiated by John McMichael (the then UDA/UFF commander) in 1985 as a response to the Anglo-Irish Agreement. The UDF operated training camps in rural parts of Northern Ireland that young loyalists such as Johnny Adair claim to have attended. One reported ‘survival’ training technique was to leave trainees stranded in Dublin with only £1. Some of the training was given by former British Army soldiers and officers. It was described by the UDA as “the nucleus of a new loyalist army at the ready”.
- the Ulster Young Militants (UYM)—the “youth wing” of the group. Formed in 1973.
- the Ulster Political Research Group (UPRG)—the UDA’s “political advisory body”. Formed in 1978.
The UDA operated a devolved structure of leadership, each with a brigadier representing one of its six “brigade areas”.
Currently, it is not entirely clear whether or not this structure has been maintained in the UDA’s post cease-fire state. The UDA’s six “brigade areas” were:
- North Belfast
- East Belfast
- South Belfast, the UDA’s largest brigade area, covering all of South Belfast down to Lisburn and operating as far away as South County Down, Lurgan, Portadown and Counties Tyrone and Fermanagh.
- West Belfast
- Southeast [County] Antrim
- North County Antrim & County Londonderry
In addition to these six core brigades two others may have existed. A seventh Mid-Ulster Brigade is mentioned by Steve Bruce as having existed for part of the UDA’s history
although Henry McDonald and Jim Cusack characterise this as a “battalion” rather than a brigade and suggest that its rural location prevented it from fully developing.
In the late 1970s a Scottish Brigade was established under the command of Roddy McDonald but this proved short-lived. The security forces infiltrated this brigade almost immediately and in 1979 arrested almost its entire membership, ninety people in all. Six members received particularly lengthy prison sentences for their involvement in UDA activities in Perth
and the Scottish Brigade quietly disappeared.
Some of the notable brigadiers include:
—South Belfast (~1980s-present)
Resident of the Taughmonagh estate in South Belfast.
McDonald was a cautious supporter of the UDA’s ceasefire and a harsh critic of Johnny ‘Mad Dog’ Adair during his final years of membership of the organisation.
McDonald remains the only brigadier who did not have a commonly used nickname.
Johnny ‘Mad Dog’ Adair—West Belfast (1990–2002)
An active figure in the UDA/UFF, Adair rose to notoriety in the early 1990s when he led the 2nd Battalion, C Company
unit in West Belfast which was responsible for one of the bloodiest killing sprees of the Troubles
Andre ‘The Egyptian’ Shoukri
—North Belfast (2002–2005)
Initially a close ally of Johnny Adair, Shoukri and his brother Ihab became involved with the UDA in his native North Belfast. The son of an Egyptian father and a Northern Irish mother, he was expelled from the UDA in 2005 following allegations of criminality.
John ‘Grug’ Gregg
—South East Antrim (c.1993
–2003) John ‘Grug’ Gregg was a man with a fearsome reputation within the loyalist movement, known as a “Hawk” in loyalist circles, and controlled the streets of south east Antrim. On 14 March 1984, he severely wounded Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams in an assassination attempt for which he was jailed. When asked by the BBC in prison if he regretted anything about the shooting, his reply was “only that I didn’t succeed.” He was killed on Belfast’s Nelson Street, along with another UDA member (Rab Carson), while travelling in a taxi from the docks in 2003, and the murder was blamed on supporters of Johnny Adair, who had recently been expelled from the UDA in 2002.
Deaths as a result of activity
Malcolm Sutton’s Index of Deaths from the Conflict in Ireland
, part of the Conflict Archive on the Internet
(CAIN), states that the UDA/UFF was responsible for at least 260 killings, and lists a further 256 loyalist killings that have not yet been attributed to a particular group.
According to the book Lost Lives
(2006 edition), it was responsible for 431 killings.
Of those killed by the UDA/UFF:
- 209 (~80%) were civilians, 12 of whom were civilian political activists
- 11 (~4%) were members or former members of republican paramilitary groups
- 37 (~14%) were members or former members of loyalist paramilitary groups
- 3 (~1%) were members of the British security forces
The CAIN database says there were 91 UDA members and four former members killed in the conflict.
Irish Republican Army
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
||This article needs additional citations for verification. (December 2008)
The Irish Republican Army
) is any of several armed movements in Ireland
in the 20th and 21st centuries dedicated to Irish republicanism
, the belief that all of Ireland should be an independent republic. It was also characterised by the belief that political violence
was necessary to achieve that goal.
The first known use of the term “Irish Republican Army” occurred in the Fenian raids
on many British landmarks, towns, and forts in the late 1700s and 1860s.
The original Irish Republican Army formed in 1917 from those Irish Volunteers
who refused to enlist in the British Army
during World War I
, members of the Irish Citizen Army
and others. During the Irish War of Independence
it was the army of the Irish Republic
, declared by Dáil Éireann
in 1919. Some Irish people dispute the claims of more recently created organisations that insist that they are the only legitimate descendants of the original IRA, often referred to as the “Old IRA”. The playwright and former IRA member Brendan Behan
once said that the first issue on any Irish organisation’s agenda was “the split”.
For the IRA, that has often been the case. The first split came after the Anglo-Irish Treaty
in 1921, with supporters of the Treaty forming the nucleus of the National Army
of the newly created Irish Free State
, while the anti-treaty forces continued to use the name Irish Republican Army
. After the end of the Irish Civil War
, the IRA was around in one form or another for forty years, when it split into the Official IRA and the Provisional IRA in 1969. The latter then had its own breakaways, namely the Real IRA and the Continuity IRA, each claiming to be the true successor of the Army of the Irish Republic
- The Irish Republican Army (1917–22) (in later years, known as the “Old” IRA), recognised by the First Dáil as the legitimate army of the Irish Republic in April 1921, split into pro-Treaty forces (the National Army, also known as the Government forces or the Regulars) and anti-Treaty forces (the Republicans, Irregulars or Executive forces) after the Treaty.
- The Irish Republican Army (1922–69), the anti-treaty IRA which fought and lost the civil war and which thereafter refused to recognise either the Irish Free State or Northern Ireland, deeming them both to be creations of British imperialism. It existed in one form or another for over 40 years before splitting in 1969.
- The Official IRA (OIRA), the remainder of the IRA after the 1969 split with the Provisionals; was primarily Marxist in its political orientation. It is now inactive in the military sense, while its political wing, Official Sinn Féin, became the Workers’ Party of Ireland.
- The Provisional IRA (PIRA) broke from the OIRA in 1969 over how to deal with the increasing violence in Northern Ireland. Although opposed to the OIRA’s Marxism, it came to develop a left-wing orientation and increasing political activity.
- The Continuity IRA (CIRA), broke from the PIRA in 1986, because the latter ended its policy on abstentionism (thus recognising the authority of the Republic of Ireland).
- The Real IRA (RIRA), a 1997 breakaway from the PIRA consisting of members opposed to the Northern Ireland peace process.
- In April 2011, former members of the Provisional IRA announced a resumption of hostilities, and that “they had now taken on the mantle of the mainstream IRA.” They further claimed “We continue to do so under the name of the Irish Republican Army. We are the IRA.” and insisted that they “were entirely separate from the Real IRA, Óglaigh na hÉireann (ONH), and the Continuity IRA.” They claimed responsibility for the April killing of PSNI constable Ronan Kerr as well as responsibility for other attacks that had previously been claimed by the Real IRA and ONH.
Genealogy of the IRA and its splits
||This section does not cite any sources. (December 2008)
Here in more detail is a representation
of a genealogical tree of Irish nationalist movements derived from the original IRA:
- Original IRA (the “old” IRA) – fought in the War of Independence 1919–1921
- That part of the IRA that accepted the compromise of the 1921 treaty which established the Irish Free State and that became the initial Free State government. Its supporters became the modern-day Fine Gael Party, currently the largest party in the Republic of Ireland. With additional recruits, it became the National Army, later known as the Irish Defence Forces
- That part of the original IRA organised within Northern Ireland not included within the Free State (see below).
- That part of the IRA, organised within the twenty-six counties that became the Free State, which rejected the compromise of the 1921 treaty with Britain and under Liam Lynch fought the Irish Civil War against the Free State’s National Army (led by Michael Collins), with the support of the anti-treaty faction of Sinn Féin, led by Éamon de Valera.
- Some years after losing the Civil War a faction led by de Valera resigned from Sinn Féin and established the Fianna Fáil party in 1926, which is currently the second-largest party in Ireland. (In December 2007, Fianna Fáil was officially registered as a political party in Northern Ireland.)
- In the 1930s, the remainder of the IRA including that part of the Old IRA organised within Northern Ireland, attempted a bombing campaign in Britain, a campaign in Northern Ireland (after a change in leadership to the north) and some military activities in the Free State (later the Republic of Ireland). After a period of poor relations, the symbiotic relationship between Sinn Féin and the IRA was re-established in the late 1930s.
- By the 1960s, after the failed border campaign, Sinn Féin moved towards a Marxist class struggle outlook. With the outbreak of the Troubles, Sinn Féin, or as it came to be called after the formation of the Provisional IRA and Provisional Sinn Féin, Official IRA / Official Sinn Féin found itself sidelined because of its decision not to engage the British state militarily. Over time the Official IRA faded away, while Official Sinn Féin moved to a purely Marxist position, renaming itself first Sinn Féin the Workers Party, and then in 1982 the Workers’ Party of Ireland.
- In 1969, the more traditionalist republican members split off into the Provisional IRA and Sinn Féin. The Provisional IRA operated mostly in Northern Ireland, using violence against the Royal Ulster Constabulary and the British Army, and British institutions and economic targets. They also killed members of the Irish Army and the Garda Síochána (the Republic’s police force), which was against one of their standing orders.
- Cronin, Sean, The Ideology of the IRA (Ann Arbor 1972)
- Hart, Peter, IRA at War 1916–1923 (Oxford 2003)
- Hart, P, The IRA and its Enemies: Violence and Community in Cork 1916–1923 (Oxford 1998)
- Joy, Sinead, The IRA in Kerry 1916–1921 (Cork 2005)
- Liebknecht, Karl, Militarism and Anti-Militarism (1907); an English translation (Cambridge 1973).
- Martin, F.X., (ed.) Irish Volunteers 1913–1915. Recollections and Documents (Dublin 1963)
- O’Ruairc, Padraig Og, Blood on the Banner: The Republican Struggle in Clare 1913–1923 (Cork 2009)
- Ryan, Meda, Tom Barry: IRA Freedom Fighter (Cork 2005)
- Townshend, Charles, ‘The Irish Republican Army and the Development of Guerrilla Warfare 1916–21’, English Historical Review 94 (1971), pp. 318–345.
- W?, With the IRA in the Fight For Freedom (London 1968)